February 10, 2015

In November 1913, Austen Chamberlain visited Churchill aboard the Admiralty yacht Enchantress, and then wrote a long memorandum to Bonar Law on their discussions. Churchill had told him that Ulster would never be allowed to veto Home Rule for Ireland but he did not exclude the possibility of separate treatment for Ulster.

Churchill believed that public opinion required a shock to force a solution to the impasse. “Both sides had to make speeches full of party claptrap and no surrender, and then insert a few sentences at the end for the wise and discerning on the other side to see and ponder. A little red blood had to flow and then public opinion would wake up.”

Chamberlain was left the impression that Winston genuinely wanted a settlement but had no clear idea how to get it.

In March Churchill addressed 3,000 people in Bradford and outlined the Government’s offer whereby any county could exclude itself from Home Rule for six years by a majority vote in that county.

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Even Churchill’s friends were concerned about the size of his Naval Estimates. Margot Asquith wrote Lloyd George: “Don’t let Winston have too much money – it will hurt our party in every way – Labour and even Liberals. If one can’t be a little economical when all foreign countries are peaceful I don’t know when they can.”

In December Churchill proposed to the Cabinet an increase which permitted four battleships and twelve destroyers. He also wanted to purchase greater reserves of oil plus an additional 5,000 nwn. Asquith complained that of a three-hour Cabinet meeting, 23 hours of the peroid were occupied by Winston.

It was clear that Churchill was facing strong opposition within the Cabinet on both his naval estimates and Ulster. Lloyd George thought there was an attempt “to down Winston” by driving him from the Cabinet. Some believed that Churchill had “lost all touch with Liberalism and had become a man of one idea” since he went to the Admirality.

By the new year Lloyd George had become one of the principal opponents to increased naval expenditures. Churchill’s problems were compounded by news from the Canadian Prime Minister that he could no longer promise the contribution of three dreadnoughts.

In January Churchill received a note of support written in the King’s hand, which concluded: “Since you have been at the Admiralty you have by your zeal and ability done great work for the Navy and I sympathize with you in your present position.”

Finally, Asquith himself was reqffired to intervene. He told Churchill that “the critical pack have slackened their pursuit” and recommended that the First Lord “show a corresponding disposition and throw a baby or two out of the sledge.” For his part, Churchill felt that he had reduced the estimates as much as possible. He replied: “The sledge is bare of babies, and though the pack may crunch the driver’s bones, the winter will not be ended.”

In February the Council of the City of’ London passed the following motion: ‘That this meeting of the Citizens of London begs to assure the Prime Minister and His Majesty’s Government of the support of the Commecial Community in any measures – financial or other – that may be necessary to ensure the continued supremacy of the Navy and the adequate protection of the Trade routes of the Empire.” Churchill got most of what he wanted. In March he presented the estimates to the House of Commons in what was described 32 by the Daily Telegraph as “perhaps the most weighty and eloquent speech to which the House of Commons have listened during the present generation.”

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