March 7, 2015

Finest Hour 158, Spring 2013

Page 34

By Winston S. Churchill

THE CONVENTIONAL IMAGE OF CHURCHILL IN THE 1930S IS OF A LONELY CASSANDRA, WARNING OF THE STORM TO COME. YET THE SAME TIME, HE WAS STILL SEARCHING FOR WAYS TO PRESERVE PEACE – IN THIS CASE THROUGH RAPPROCHEMENT WITH ITALY AND COLLECTIVE SECURITY IN THE LAGUE OF NATIONS.

The Coronation is over. A new King and Queen are seated upon their thrones amid the acclamations of the British people. The Abdication has been digested. The Duke of Windsor is married according to his resolve and with the good wishes of all that is decent in Britain.

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After a period of pageantry and of domestic stress the British public may be invited to turn their attention again to Europe. How has it all gone in Europe while we have been thinking about our own affairs? I, personally, have never been able to forget Europe. It hangs over my mind like a vulture.

How are we going to prevent our happy, peaceful, free, progressive life from being destroyed by what may happen in Europe? All the time the German armament hammers have been descending. All the time the great flow of destructive weapons has been passing from the factories to fighting units of brave, virile, competent men improving in their training month by month. All the time the German Army has been increasing its numbers above those of the French Army. All the time the efficiency and ripeness of the German Officer-Corps has been improving. All the time the German Air Force in quantity and in quality has been gaining on our British effort.

It is curious that Parliament, which a year ago showed itself genuinely concerned about our defences, has now forgotten even that there could be such a fact as danger. Some say, “How right the Government were to not be alarmed by the scaremongers! How right they were not to have a Ministry of Supply, and not to upset the ordinary business prosperity of the country! A whole year has passed and nothing has happened. How stultified are those who cried ‘Alarm!’” But this complacent movement may soon be stirred by less comfortable reflections. What is the precise character of the arrangements between Germany and Italy? Here are these two Dictators seated on their thrones high above the common mass of peaceful, well-disposed, heavily-burdened mankind. Both have plenty of obedient men. Both are hard pressed for money. Both have to ask their obedient men to tighten their belts.

Both are confronted with the awkward sense that though Germany is all for Hitler, it wishes to be known as Germany; and though Italy is all for Mussolini, it would like to be known as Italy.

Both are disquieted by the fact that large sections of their population would like to stand in with the general efflorescence of the world, and that quite large numbers of Fascists and Nazis would be very much inclined to vote “that a good time should be had by all.” Grim Dictators glowering over gaunt populations! What are their personal relations to be?

Secret Clause

At the hub of any Berlin-Rome axis there grits the Italian neutrality at the outbreak of the Great War and the Italian junction with the Allies nine months thereafter.

There is a good deal to be said about this, and not all by any means on one side. The Triple Alliance bound Italy to make war in common with Germany and Austria. But by a secret article known only to the highest authorities in Germany and Austria, Italy had stipulated for the right in all circumstances to stand out of any war in which she would be the enemy of England.

This article was unknown to the British Government, and only became public property after Italy had actually entered the ranks of the Allies.

German Distrust

It is the supreme justification of Italian honour—certainly it covers entirely the Italian abstention from declaring war in unison with the other two powers of the Triplice. No German can preserve a quarrel with Italy on that account.

Far more questionable to German eyes was the action of Italy in declaring war upon Austria and later upon Germany in the Spring of 1915. This was regarded throughout Germany as a base betrayal of solemn obligation. Anyhow, one may say that Italian good faith in the hour of dire need is profoundly distrusted in Germany. We cannot doubt the fact that British and Italian relations have not improved as was hoped in the early months of this year. Signor Mussolini affronted the Liberal and religious forces in Britain when he subjugated the Abyssinians. He infuriated the Socialist-Labour element as well as the Liberals when he made his intrusion into Spain. He disturbed the Conservatives, who are his only friends, when, seated on his white charger, he proclaimed himself the protector of Islam.

Our King-Emperor reigns over more Mohammedans than can be found in the rest of the world. All the British military and Conservative classes have a profound historic liking for the Turk. They fought the Turk with extreme reluctance. But now the relations between Great Britain and Turkey are better than they have ever been before.

Also in India the Mohammedans, confronted with the violent Communist politics of some elements of the Congress party, look to the Imperial power as their true focus.* Therefore great offence was caused, though little was said, when Signor Mussolini declared himself the protector of Islam, he having only a handful of Islam in his control, and that part by no means contented. On the other hand, the invitation of the Negus** to the Coronation, the steadfast refusal of Great Britain to concede any recognition of the Italian conquest of Abyssinia, and the repeated taunts of British Left-wing newspapers about the behaviour of the Italian troops in Spain, has formed the basis of a prolonged anti-British Italian press and broadcast campaign.

The Future Holds—?

But those who are friends of the Mediterranean accord between Great Britain and Italy seek continually for opportunities of dissipating these very noticeable antagonisms. Will they succeed, or shall we all be nakedly exposed to the challenge of the two harassed Dictators at the head of their two impoverished nations armed to the teeth? Who shall presume to lift the veils of the future, and who would be believed if he reported what he saw?

Towards Catastrophe

Evidently we are approaching the point in European history where the League of Nations, if properly supported, will have an immense and perhaps decisive part to play in the prevention of a brutal trial of strength. How else are we going to marshal adequate and if possible overwhelming forces against brazen, unprovoked aggression, except by a grand alliance of peace-seeking peoples under the authority of an august international body?

One is astonished to hear the vain talk and chatter that proceeds in certain social and political circles in London against the League of Nations. Only by a European union spreading gradually to a world union against war can the dreaded catastrophe, which nevertheless approaches inch by inch and day by day, be warded off.

Alliance for Peace

I hold that at the present time an alliance of an offensive or even of a defensive character between Italy and Germany is far from being achieved. There is still time to build Europe into a better framework. There is still time to conciliate existing grievances. There is still time, if all friendly efforts for peace are futile, to forge and weld a grand alliance for international law and justice, which will arrest armaments, avert war and confound the wicked of every land.

First published as “The Rome-Berlin Axis” in the Evening Standard, 11 June 1937; republished as “Will There Be War?” in Answers, 13 November 1937; first published in volume form in Step by Step (1939); text from the 1947 Odhams edition. Published by kind permission of the Churchill Literary Estate, Randolph S. Churchill and Curtis Brown Ltd., London. Note: Churchill used the “vulture” expression many times since a huge one shadowed him during his escape from the Boer prison in 1899.

*This word was revised to “foundation” in Step by Step.

**Haile Selassie (1892-1975), Emperor of Ethiopia 1930-74.